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EARLY HISTORY OF MISSIONS IN OTAGO. 


oo 


Sources of Information. 


The numbers scattered through these pages refer to this List. 


1 Adventures in New Zealand, 1841-4, vol. 2. E. J. Wakefield. 

2 Bishop Nevill’s Address (a) and letters (b « c), Mr. Ro. Carrick’s letter (¢), 
and Mr. Joosten’s letter (e) Otago Daily Times, June 28, July 24, and 
August 1: August 9 and September 1, 1902. 


3 Bishop Selwyn’s Life, Tucker, vol. I. Div. § 
4 a Journals. ae ; : 

5 Bishop Williams’ Christianity among the New Zealanders. _) a 

6 Brett’s Early History of New Zealand. a ee 


7 Brown’s N.Z. and its Aborigines, 1845. 

8 Buick’s Old Marlborough. ae 

9 Buller’s Forty Years in New Zealand. , 

10 Church Missionary Intelligencer, 1850. ; 

ll - ‘. ic 1851. 

12 - 4 1852. 

13 Earp’s Hand-Book of N.Z., 1852. 

14 Kaiapohia, Canon Stack, late of the Anglican Maori Mission. 

15 Lecture on N.Z., 1852. 

16 Missionary Notices (Wesleyan), 1842. 

17 ae ae “ 1843-4. 

18 New Zealand in 1839, Dr. Lang. 

19 Paul’s Letters from Canterbury, 1857. 

20 Report of House of Commons Select Committee on N.Z., 1840. 

21 Shortland’s Seuthern Districts of N.Z., 1843 4. 

22 Saunders’ History of N.Z. 

23 Stokes’ Wairau Massacre. 

24 Summer Excursion in N Z., Anonymous, 1854. 

25 Waketield’s Letters to Gladstone, 1846. 

26 Watkin’s Register of Baptisms and Marriages. 

27 = Journal (1840-4), verbatim extracts by Mr. J. E. Watkin of 

Sydney. 

28 Wohlers’ Memories, Bible, Book and Tract Depot, Dunedin. 

29 Transactions N.Z. Institute, 1872. 

30 ja as a ISSL. 

31 Native Affairs, South Island (Official Reports), vol. I. 

32 eS oe ce is vol. II. 

33 Travers’ History of Te Rauparaha. 
Of these Works 13, 14, 15. 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, 27, 29, and 30 are in my 

possession, while 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 21, 26, 28, 31 and 32 have been lent to me, and 

| thank the lenders. The rest I have had the privilege of seeing in Dr. 

Hocken’s invaluable collection. The Register belongs to Port Chaimers Church, 

and ought to be a place of security. For the Journal I am deeply indebted to 

Mr J. E. Watkin, 434 Riley St., Surrey Hills, Sydney. I will place the 

Extracts with the ‘‘ Early Records Committee,” as I will the invaluable Report 

of the House of Commons Committee on N.Z., 1840. This was_presented, 

through me, to the Early Records Committee by Hanson Turton, Esq. That 


gentleman, being a Native interpreter of 30 years standing, and having been 
Native Trust Commissioner for 25 years has large stores of information, and 
has freely aa them at my disposal. [ make tnis general acknowledgement 


of my indebtedness to him. 


2 


I.—INTRODUCTORY. 
The Otago Daily Times for June 28, 1902, contained the following report — 
At the opening of the Maori Carnival on Tuesday afternoon Bishop 
Nevill made some interesting references to the early missionary work amongst 
the Maoris of this part of New Zealand, a feature of our history known, 
he thought, to but few. When he first came here, said his Lordship, and made 
an attempt to plant a clergyman at Otakou Heads, it was pretty freely 
said that he was jumping the claim of another denomination. There were 
letters and leading articles in the papers of those days charging him with 
wrong-doing. However, after he related a little more of the early Christianity 
among the Natives, he thought they would think he was right in attempting 
to plant a church of the Anglican communion at Otakou Heads. The first 
missionaries to the Natives here were of the communion which he represented. 
There was only one exception that he was aware of to that rule, and that 
was the Rev. Mr Watkin, who was a Wesleyan missionary at Karitane, near 
Waikouaiti. Mr Watkin was there before Bishop Selwyn’s visit, and there 
were also Christians representing the English Church before Bishop Selwyn 
came. The honour of planting the Christian religion in this part of New 
Zealand belonged really to the son of a famous warrior, whose name was 
very well known by reason of the raid that he made upon the southern 
Natives of New Zealand—namely, Te Rauparaha. This son of Te Rauparaha, 
Tamihana Rauparaha, had been taught by Bishop Hadfield—long before the 
latter was a bishop—at Otaki and the island of Kapiti, at which latter 
place Bishop Hadfield had told him he had a school for a considerable period, 
where he taught the Natives before it was safe to reside on the mainland. 
Tamihana Rauparaha was one of the first converts, and he with some other 
Natives came down to the very country that his father had invaded. He 
wanted to take the gospel of peace to the same place where his father 
had taken the message of war. Tamihana came and planted himself at 
Moeraki, and made some converts there. He also went down to the south 
to Ruapuke and Stewart Island. When Bishop Selwyn came—his first visit, 
as far as he (Bishop Nevill) could discover, was in 1844—at the end of 
1843 he came south, and in January, 1844, he met with the celebrated 
chief ‘Tuawaiki, who was, he believed, some relation of our excellent friend 
Mr Parata. Tuawaiki met Bishop Selwyn at Port Lyttelton, and brought 
him down in his boat (the Perseverance) to the Otakou Heads. On that 
occasion he visited Moeraki, and took one of Rauparaha’s teachers and planted 
him at Otakou. That was the first introduction of religion to that kaik. 
The Rey. Mr Watkin lived at Karitane, and Bishop Selwyn visited there 
and catechised the Native children taught by Mr Watkin. On that occasion, 
in the year 1844, Bishop Selwyn proceeded also to Ruapuke and ‘Stewart 
Island. He left there some prayer books, one of which he (Bishop Nevill) 
had been fortunate enough to recover on a recent visit to the island. That 
was the beginning of Christianity there, so that they would see that, with 
the exception of the Rev. Mr Watkin at Karitame, the Anglican communion 
was God's agent for carrying the Christian religion to all the kaiks of the 
Natives in this southern portion of New Zealand. He was collecting the 
records of this portion of our early history, and some day he hoped to 
have it printed and placed in the library at Selwyn College. 


I wrote on July 19th stating that Watkin came in May 1840, and 
that Tamihana was dispatched in 1843. &c. Bishop Nevill replied on 
the 24th. The following are extracts. The italics are mine. 


I may premise that Mr Fairclough appears to me to leave the history 
very much as I had stated it. I said distinctly that the Rev. J. Watkin, 
the Wesleyan missionary at Waikouaiti (Karitane is the actual site of the 
mission house), was the first European missionary. 


7 


3 


I stated nothing conjectural—Mr Fairclough must pardon my saying that 
his letter is almost wholly matter of conjecture and suggestion,—but I Ce 
forth a brief outline of the facts I have established after due inquiry, and I 
was led to do so especially because I knew that I was speiking in 
the presence of the direct descendants of persons alluded to in my historic 
sketch, and who could have corrected me if I had been wrong. 


I have obtained my information from the following sources, and by the 
comparison of one with another—viz., Bishop Selwyn’s published diaries, Dean 
Jacobs’s history, memoirs of Mr Wohlers, written answers to my inquiries 
from Bishop Hadfield, and notes made by me of talks with the oldest and 
best informed Natives I could meet with in the early days of my settlement 
here, including the chiefs Matiu at Moeraki, Solomon at Riverton, and others 
at Colac Bay, etc. 


In brief, then, the following is, I think, the true story :— 


In the raids from the north a number of southern Natives had been 
carried off as slaves to Otaki and other places. Here and on the Island of 
Kapiti, Tamihana te Rauparaha had “ earnestly studied Christianity” under Mr 
(afterwards Bishop) Hadfield. In a letter to me the Bishop says: “In the 
year 1842 I made an attempt to go to Otago in a 12-ton decked boat, but, 
after being 10 days at sea with very foul weather, had to return to Kapiti. 
Early in 1843 I sent two competent teachers to Akaroa and Otago.” One of 
these was Tamihana. (See Dean Jacobs’s and other accounts.) “They were 
also accompanied by three or four good men who were slaves from those 
places, and who were liberated and allowed to return to their homes. They 
were well received, and Bishop Selwyn afterwards found that they had made 
many converts.” Mr Fairclough asks why Tamihana passed by Akaroa, etc., 
and builds up a great deal on suppositions, and suggests that Tamihana 
came into Mr Watkin’s field, “because he was commissioned less to the 
heathen, who would keep, than to those who were spoiling through schism,” 
etc. But Tamihana went to Ruapuke and the extreme south, .which was 
hardly Mr Watkin’s field. It is possible, owing to the wandering character 
of the Natives, that some of Mr Watkin’s converts may have gone there 
also, but at this time Mr Watkin had not been long teaching at Waikouaiti. 
All accounts agree that the first visit of Bishop Selwyn was the first visit 
of any European teacher to the south. . . . 


Bishop Selwyn (January, 1844) took a young Christian from Moeraki 
to place at Otakou, where as yet there was no teacher. : 


In Foveaux Strait the Bishop baptised many of the converts of the 
before-mentioned Native missionaries, and so delighted was Tuawaiki that 
he insisted on the Bishop visiting Codfish Island, to the west of Stewart 
Island, to baptise families of his own relatives there. I have the names 
of many of them. The Bishop says he “ visited all the inhabited places in 
Foveaux Strait on this occasion.” So I imagine it was then that he made 
Solomon lay reader at Riverton, where I found him still at work with worn-out 
prayer books, on my first visit. . . . Mr Wohlers tells us that, having 
been long detained in Port Cooper, where he saw Tuawaiki and received 
his permission to go to Ruapuke. 


Speaking of the results of the church missions in the north, he says: 
“This "—i.e., the conversion of the North Island Natives—“ created so t 
a revolution that the whole Maori people were affected by it, and the shock 
was felt to the furthermost end, and had results even this far south.” He 
found them using daily prayers. 


I have not the slightest desire to disparage the good work done by anyone. 
There is no doubt that some of Mr Watkin’s converts mingled with those 
belonging to the Church, but I was led to make the slight historic sketch 


4 


to which Mr Fairclough takes exception because, as he says, “the Wesleyan 
Church has long publicly claimed to have been the first in the field throughout 
the south.” I think that what I have brought forward will suffice to 
show that while fully acknowledging that Mr Watkin was, at all events, 
the first Evrorran Christian teacher in residence here, the claim made 
as to the Christianising of the south is made too exclusively. In some 
places there is no doubt that the emissaries of the Church did the first work. 


This bold attempt to set aside the honourable claims of the 
Weselyan Church, based on nineteen years of costly and patient toil, in 
favour of vagrant sowers of strife who came, saw, and vanished, showed 
me the necessity of putting together our facts before they were over- 
grown by the fungus of church tradition. I was conscious of pre- 
sumption in endeavouring to trace an ancient missionary anecdote to 
its germ of hard facts. I knew that assertions about the wanderings of 
a Maori sixty years ago were fairly unassailable. Still patience has 
not been wholly without reward. I have secured enough of reliable 
observations to determine the whole orbit. As my evidence far exceeds 
the limit of letters to the newspaper, my friends have determined that 
it should be printed for future easy reference. That is the genesis of this 
pamphlet. Beyond being a convenient store of reliable quotations and 
references it claims no merit. 


II.—THE REV. JAMES WATKIN, 


Was born in 1805, and was sent as a Probationer to Tonga in 1830, 
Tonga was then ablaze with missionary success following on many 
failures. Knowing the horrible condition of Fiji the Tongan Mission 
not only attacked the group, but appointed Watkin to appeal to 
British sympathy. He produced the celebrated tract “‘ Pity Poor 
Fiji,” which led to the evangelisation of that cannibal group. In 1840 he 
was in Sydney, and was appointed to Otaki, when it was learned that 
the Anglicans had jumped it, It had already been decided to mission 
the South Island of New Zealand. The Rev. Mr. Bumby in 1839 (8.) 
had already chosen Cloudy Bay as one station. The second station 
was still undertermined when Mr. John Jones, unfortunately I think, 
turned the scale in favour of Waikouaiti by offering a free passage, a 
site and contribution towards a house. Mr. Watkin was sent to 
Waikouaiti and Mr. Ironside to Cloudy Bay. Watkin’s knowledge of 
Tongan must have been a considerable help ir the acquiring of Maori. 
Certainly his acquaintance with kindred people far over the sea gave 
him great honour among the Natives of New Zealand. His journal is 
in the possession of his eldest son, Mr. J. E. Watkin, 434 Riley Street, 
Surrey Hills, Syaney. That gentleman has taken the pains to copy 
out extracts from the journal that would fill 30 pages of this 
phamphlet. It is the story of a man doing hard and faithful work in 
the midst of long and continued isolation, discomfort, privation, and 
other still worse kinds of discouragement. But the end was victory. 


5 


Mr. Watkin left New Zealand in 1855, was President of the 
Australasian Conference in 1862, retired from active work in 1869, and 
died in 1886. He has three sons in the Wesleyan Ministry and three 
in business in Sydney. 


WATKIN’s JOURNAL, IN BRIEF. 
1840. 


Mr. and Mrs. Watkin and five children left Sydney May 1, 1840 (22 and 27), 
were off Waikouaiti on 15th, but owing toa storm landed on 16th. The house 
intended for them was occupied, and they had to share it. May 17—Held first 
service ; text, 1 Tim., i., 15, ‘‘It is a faithful saying.” 20th—Found site for a 
house. 26th—Took possession of a hut not too large for two. 


June 7—The Natives have begun to abstain from work on the Lord's Day. 
8th—Children born in the tropics feel the cold. 14th—The Natives are 
deteriorated by intercourse with bad whites. Otakou has an evil reputation. 
The white men regard him jealously as likely to interfere with the concubinage 
of Maori women. Two American captains came from Otakou to attend service. 
2lst—‘‘ The Atua (god) of Korako (aftervards John Wesley), an old chief and 
priest, is very angry with him for visiting my house, as he is fond of doing.” A 
chief refrained from sailing for Moeraki because he was reminded it was the 
Sabbath. 23rd—‘‘ The chief of the place to which I was appointed by the Com- 
mittee is a person much dreaded here, Te Rauparaha by name. He and the 
people of this island are mortal enemies. He has been a great warrior, but was 
worsted, from what I learn, in the last engagement. The Native living with us 
as a servant went to the war, and gives a graphic account of that horrid affair. 
The Kapiti force lost 100 men, the others 20, so he says.” 


August 1.—‘‘ Our kitchen would furnish a scene for a painter. A number 
of young men with their books are conning over their a, e, i, 0, u. While I teach 
some others solicit the help of my little boys, ‘Eha tene, Wiramu ?’ (What is 
this, William ”).” ' 

September 13.—‘‘ I: ventured to address the Natives extempore. Their 
attention was deep.” The sermon was discussed all the week. 


October 19.—*‘ Tuhawaiki, the principal chief of the island, libelled by the 
name of ‘ Bloody Jack,’ is here on a visit with as many of his people (from Rua- 
puki) as four large boats can carry.” Hada very large congregation, ‘‘ most of 
whom heard the Gospel for the first time.” 


November 9.—First attempt at singing with Natives. Was pleased with 
the effect, ‘‘ though I am little of a singer and less of a poet.” 12th—‘‘ Strange 
notions are afloat, chiefly through tve instrumentaliny of half-instructed Natives. 
Some things they wculd graft on to Christianity are amusing.” 2lst—Have had 
morning and evening school every day this week, with pleasing results. The 
people have learned several prayers and a hymn or two of imperfect scansion. 


1841. 
February 15.—Have rendered the First Catechism into this dialect. 


March 1,—Visited Otakou, returning on 5th. 6th—Kurakura, the chief of 
Waikouaiti, and a very intelligent student, was drowned, and there was talk of 
human sacrifice, but they remembered the command ‘‘ Thou shalt not kill.” 


August 23.—We have been five months without hearing from Sydney. The 
whaling stations are half starved. We were never so miserably circumstanced. 
I could be content with potatoes ani salt if my children were not suffering. 
30th—In the evening we were gladdened by the report of a gun. The Magnet 
has arrived direct from Sydney. Letters from England and the Stations (of 
ministers) for 1840, a year after date. 


6 


October 4.—Three vessels wrecked ; eight lives lost. Six of the deceased 
were intoxicated. 


December 13.—I have at last received a book which I sent a year ago to be 
printed. Will find it valuable in teaching. 


1842. 


January 10.—‘‘ Baptised a Native, Joseph (Hohepa), who has learned to read 
and write, and has been very usefully employed as a Native teacher at Port Levy, 
where he has been the chief instrument in preventing the introduction of French 
Popery.” 13th—Visited Moeraki. The people listened gladly and received 
books. <‘‘It is surprising how prayers, hymns, catechism, &c., are being spread 
through the country by oral communication.” Held several services, and advised 
the erection of a chapel, which was promised. A promise of speedy return 
pleased the people greatly. 25th—The two eldest boys sent to Sydney for 
education. 


February 1.—Visited Moeraki. ‘‘ Stayed three days, instructing the Natives 
in the things of God. About 200 people there.” 7th—Visited Otakou by boat. 
The Natives very attentive. Walked home. 


March 28 —Set out for Moeraki on horseback. Held several services and 
schools. Chapel unfinished. 


June.—In a letter to Ironside, date June 1, 1841, W. acknowledges a few 
Maori Testaments and hymn books by messenger. Before the letter is completed 
he receives a long-expected case of Testaments. 4th—Influx of visitors from 
north and south. Tuhawaiki said his people would like a missionary. He also 
sent a written request for ‘‘a bottle of brandy.” This station is disheartening. 
The best men are whaiers, and break the Sabbath, and many of the women are in 
concubinage. Yet many of them use prayers morning and evening, know the 
Creed, the Commandments, and some Scripture facts, and are more righteous 
than their European neighbours. 

July 2.—The ‘‘tapu ” lige received a great blow. A Native whose wife 
(Tautaki) died yesterday did not put her in an outhouse to die, nor abstain from 
using his hands in eating, nor tie the body in an old blanket and throw it into a 
hole two feet deep. He has procured a decent coffin, a grave is being dug, and 
to-morrow she will be interred with the rites of the Church in the presence of 
our worshipping Natives. 4th—The White ‘‘tapu” has also been Tioken, for 
the Europeans are scandalised at my burying the Maori woman near where Mrs. 
Thompson was buried a fortnight ago. 7th—The brutal violence with which the 
Natives were treated before the missionary came has abated, and they are grate- 
ful. Korako remembers Captain Cook and the introduction of the potato. 


October 11—Visited Otakou. Many southern Natives here with Tuhawaiki. 
They want a missionary resident among them. Tuhawaiki and people came over 
to Waikouaiti, and a large service was held. 31—Visited Moeraki by boat, held 
a number of services and walked back. 

December 25—Raptised ‘James’ (Hami Watekine). ‘‘I hope he will be 
useful” (Mr. Jones informs me that ‘‘ Jimmy Watkin” was a Native teacher.) 
This was the first public baptism on confession of Christ. 


1843, 

On January 14 W. wrote to Ironside the following letter :— 

January 14, 1843.—‘‘T have seen Mr. Hadfield’s preaching squad, Henry 
Martyn and his compeers. I wish some of yours had come on, they would have 
been invaluable, but none have come. I am sorry to say that these churchmen 
have either been instructed in the art of evil speaking, or they do it by nature. 
You and I and our people come under this censure. From Popish priests we 
expect such things. I think that the sending of Native agents by Mr. H. (if he 
did send them) savours of something like impudence.” 


7 


(It is evident W. expected Ironsides men ; also that Martyn was the head of 
the first party. Tamihana had stayed behind, and the antidote was with him.) 


January 15th—Baptised four young men. ‘“‘ May they be a seed to serve.” 
22nd—Baptised four young men. There are anumber of others whom I will 
admit shortly. ‘‘ All those hitherto baptised can read the Scriptures, know a 

‘ood deal about Christian doctrine and practice, and are consistent in their con- 
uct. I am somewhat annoyed and pained at the conduct of some of the 
emissaries of the Church Mission Natives, whether delegated or not I am not 
clear, who are doing all they can to damage me and the Hahi Wetereana 
(Wesleyan Church) in the estimation of the Natives. Whether from ignorance 
or malevolence this is done the Lord forgive them, but it is hard measure to 
come from a Protestant Church, and in a colony too where we are as much the 
Church as any other. From intolerance deliver us,” 30th—First Sacramental 
Service with Natives. 

February 4.—Have been ill. Surgeon of Bremen whaler—which also carries 
a chaplain—cupped me. Nine glasses were used. Fear not sufficient blood 
taken, as I am no better. School and week night services taken by my ‘‘ ‘lads’ 
as missionary young men are called in this country.” 

April 25th—‘‘ During the week have heard of my dear brother Ironside 
(Cloudy Bay), one of his people having reached this place. The account he gives 
is cheering. I rejoice in his great success. . . . Have been three years 
without seeing a fellow missionary.” 28th—‘‘l have received books.”—(A 
smali part of the B. & F. Bible Society, and gift of ten thousand Testaments to 
the Maori Mission?). 

{Letter to Ironside, May 22, 1843: There are many adversaries, and the 
Church is one, alas! . . . How Natives could call us a modern innovation, 
&c., unless it had been instilled into them I cannot tell. Some anonymous friend 
has sent me books and Testaments. ] 


June 18 —A high day. ‘‘ Natives present from Ruapuke in the south and 
Cloudy Bay in the north (Ironside’s teachers), so many that we were obliged to 
worship in the frame of our new Chapel. . . . I baptised 19 men, two 
women, andachild. The baptising of hundreds never gave me more pleasure.” 
{The Ruapuke man baptised was Solomon Pohio, who, March 6th, 1844, is 
described as “my principal teacher there.”) 26th—Visited Purakanui. ‘‘I 
have a teacher there whose name is Elijah” (Iraiha Tukiwaha, of Waikouaiti, 
baptised January 15, 1843). During my stay was employed teaching and 
preaching all day and most of the night. 


[Letter to Ironside, June 19th, 1843: Your Natives have arrived. The 
intruders have been preaching the Church upand the Wesleyans down. I want to 
make Christians, they to make churchmen. } 


July 9.—‘‘ Congregation so large that I had to take my stand out of doors in 
the morning. In the afternoon, Josiah, one of Mr. Ironside’s people read prayers, 
and Thompson (TAMIHANA), a teacher connected with the Church Mission, made 
some remarks on the Rich man and Lazarus. . . . I was pleased with his 
humility and earnestness. He is, I believe, the only surviving son of Te 
Rauparaha, formerly the vindictive enemy of this people. His exploits make 
them tremble still. Christianity makes the bitterest enemies friends. (They 
have evidently not heard of the Wairau Massacre, June 17.) Mr. H. (Hadfield) 
has something to answer for, I think, in endeavouring to poison the minds of his 

ple against their fellow Christians. His people who come this way see that I 

o not retaliate, and this may perhaps surprise them. 1 hope it may instruct 

them.” 30th—Opened our new Chapel, and baptised five young men. ‘‘ About 

50 Maoris have now been baptised, Were I anxious to baptise I might have 
larger numbers to mention, but I am not.” 

August 5.—Unexpected arrival from Sydney of Mr. J. Jones’ family. 7th— 
Such a Lord’s Day for bustle, blasphemy and drunkeness I have never seen. I 
did not fail in my duty, though I gave offence. 


8 


On August 11, 1843, W. wrote to Ironside: ‘‘ Yours of July 26 reached me 
yesterday, that is August 10.” It gave the first news of the Wairau massacre. 


September 16.—‘‘ This week I have been gladdened by the arrival of a case 
of Testaments (making, with former lot, April 28, 360). The anxiety for books 
here is intense. Some I have given—more [havesold. . . . . . Already 
I have had applicants from 7, 10, and 20 miles, and ‘ Let me have a book’ has 
almost stunned me.”  26th—‘“Set sail for Moeraki, the Maoris chanting the 
Catechism with great zest.” Held service in open air, baptising 24 and appointing 
two young men as teachers. Returned on 29th. 


October 8.—‘‘ Baptised three young men trom Ruapuke. Tuhawaiki is 
anxious for a missionary.” 14th—Sailed for Port Nicholson (Wellington). 


November 17.—Returned to Waikouaiti. My return appears to give 
pleasure to all parties. 


December 12.—Visited Otakou. Visited, preached, catechised, married and 
baptised at Ruatitiko, Tahakopa, and Omati, and visited and preached at 
Tawhiroko. While the boat pulled round David (Rawiri Te Maire) walked to 
Waiparapara, where we stayed for the night. 14th—-Visited Purakanui, 
preached, baptised, and married. Stayed the night, preached in the morning, 
and then returned home. 23rd—I have had arrivals from various parts of my 
long circuit. Numbers have come to attend the Love Feast, and to partake of 
the Sacrament. Have never seen so many people here before. 24th—A series of 
interesting services. Perhaps 200 present. Baptised 44 (16 Waikouaiti, 11 
Otakou, 8 Tawhiroko, 9 Ruapuke). In the evening I heard Hoani Wetere 
address the congregation and was pleased. (This is the chief and priest of June 
21, 1840.) 


1844. 


January 15.—Walked to Moeraki ; I preached, baptised, gave tickets, cate- 
chised, answered plenty of questions, dispensed medicine, &e. Walked back on 
18th. 27th—‘‘ Was much surprised and equally pleased by a visit from Bishop 
Selwyn during the early part of this week. He is, I suppose, the most primitive 
Bishop of the Church of England at the present time. He is in labours more 
abundant, in journeyings often. He is an excellent traveller and can bear priva- 
tions and endure exertions which would finish some of us who are below him in 
station. He appears to me as Catholic as can be expected for a person who 
believes as he does and who fills the position he does. He laments disunion—so 
do 1; wishes for unity—so do I; but I do not see how the unity he desires is to 
be brought about. He has gone southward to see after his sheep—Maori and 
eas He will, if he can, send a missionary there, I dare say. May God 

ess him. 


February 15.— Visited Otago. 22nd—Set sailforRuapuke. 23rd—Returned 
—driven back by contrary winds. 24th—KHmbarked again and reached Taieri. 
28th—After much beating made Bloomfield Harbour (Bluff). Had service with 
some natives from Ruapuke. 


March 3.—Held services in both languages and baptised two adults and some 
children (at Bluff). 5th—Halfmoon Bay. Held services yesterday and to-day, 
distributed books and taught, married two couples and baptised their children. 
The half-castes are growing up in awful ignorance. ‘‘The Anglican Bishop 
intends to do something. He will, I dare say, fix a minister here. I wish we 
had one too, for most of the natives are connected with us. If that Church is the 
first to occupy the ground asa station, ought we to give up the people to its 
care?” 6th—Last night reached Jacob’s River. Here I met the natives, held 
service, and distributed books, which are in great request. Sailed for Ruapuke, 
but bad weather rendering the anchorage unsafe, ‘‘I was obliged to return 
without accomplishing my principal object. I wrote and sent a parcel of books to 
Solomon (Pohio), my principal teacher there, which would lessen the disappoint- 
ment. I will try again shortly.” 


9 


Letter to Ironside, March 12, 1844: ‘The Bishop’s visit this way has not 
proved so productive as was hoped ; his proselytes are but few. He disclaimed 
any wish to proselytise, and yet his ‘lads’ wuo aecompany him labour at little 
else.” 

April 6.—A boat has arrived bringing me a box of slates, much needed. 
20th—The Debora has arrived, bringing my successor, Mr. Creed, and his wife 
and child. In the same vessel arrived a staff of surveyors and Mr. Tuckett, chief 
surveyor and agent for New Edinburgh 

May 11.—‘‘It appeared to me necessary that I should remove, but now the 
time comes I shrink from it. Natives like these I know | shall not find in New 
Zealand.” 

June 4.—‘‘The Debora has returned from the South. Should the next 
settlement be in this neighborhood I expect it will be the best choice yet made 
by the colonists. I have baptised 258 persons, including some children, married 
37 couples, and have 227 meeting in class, leaders and preachers more than 20.” 
24th— Yesterday I closed my ministry at Waikouaiti, baptising six persons from 
Ruapuki. 29th—Arrived in Port Nicholson 


1 will conclude this chapter with the remarks of Dr. Munro, 
quoted in Dr. Hocken’s “ Early History of Otago,” page 241 :— 


“There isa Maori pa also at Waikouaiti, but it is a very poor one; the 
whares are small and filthy. The Native resiients there average about 120 in 
number. They are a very well disposed, inoffensive set of people, and, by the 
praiseworthy exertions of the Rev. Mr. Watkin, the Wesleyan clergyman lately 
resident there, have been instructed in the doctrines of the Christian religion, 
and in reading and writing, to the full, as well as in any part of New Zealand I 
have visited. The mission has been established there for four years, and is the 
only station south of Cape Campbell with which [ am acquainted. Mr. Watkin’s 
labours have not been confined to Waikonaiti, but have extended from Moeraki, 
30 miles north of it, to the Bluff, about 130 miles to the southward. Notwith- 
standing the short time which has elapsed since its establishment, the progress 
made by the Natives has been surprisiug.” 


Ill. FURTHER HISTORY OF THE WESLEYAN MISSION. 


In June, 1844, the Rev. Chas. Creed succeeded Mr. Watkin, who 
went to Wellington. Creed was as long in the stride as Selwyn him- 
self, and made many great journeys. He undoubtedly visited Foveaux 
Strait, and the Register of Baptisms marks his progress clearly in 
September and December, 1844, and June, 1845. After a time he 
appears to have surrendered that part of his vast field to Mr. Wohlers, 
and devoted himself more to the north. The Rev. H. Bull, of Christ- 
church, has supplied me with the following account of one of his trips 
in a small schooner as a sample of many others. I presume it is from 
Creed’s journal :— 


** On September 22, 1845, with three Natives, he set sail for Akaroa. Met 
boisterous weather. Reached port on 26th. Held services in all the villages on 
the Peninsula—Port Levy, Pigeon Bay, Port ‘‘ Cooper,” Raupaki, &c. Lake 
Ellesmere kaingas visited, ‘‘ Canterbury” rivers crossed. Services held en 
route, including Temuka, Timaru, Makihikihi, Waitati, Moeraki; and on 
oe ea 12, after 51 days from home, is glad to learn that wife and child were 
well.” 


10 


Mr. Creed stayed at Waikouaiti till 1853, when the Rev. W. Kirk 
came for three years. He also covered much ground, but conditions 
were changing. The Rey. G. Stannard came next, and lived at Port 
Chalmers. He stayed two years (1857-8-9). In April, 1859, he 
registered the last baptism in the list—‘*Te Matenga Taiaroa, adult 
chief,” who was married the same day. Taiaroa set apart 10 acres 
and built a church on it at Otakou. Cost £150, Government providing 
£50 (32, p. 148). He was dead in 1868. 


The Wesleyan Missionary Society spent first and last £180,000 in 
evangelising the Maoris. As prosperous settlements began to arise it 
began, therefore, to leave the Maoris to local efforts. The Otago 
Maori Mission probably cost the Wesleyan Society at least £5,000. 1 
am not aware that it acquired through that mission a single rood of 
Maori land. When Mr. Mantell was laying off the reserves Mr. Creed 
declined a site, and asked to have the mission site included in the 
Maori Reserve (32). The following quotations and facts must close 
this brief chapter of history :— 


“Great credit is due to Mr. Watkin and Mr. Creed, and other members of 
their Society, for their exertions for the welfare of the Natives in the South 
(Foveaux Strait) (31, Pt. IL. p. 20). 


Reporting on the Riverton Maoris in September, 1864, Mr. T. 
Clarke, R.M., says :— 


‘“They are squalid and miserable. . . . Formerly the Wesleyan and 
latterly the German missionaries have done much, &c. . . . No schools exist 
here. The Wesleyan and the Maori Missionary Society of Otago have suspended 


operations ; and the German Society, for lack of means, is relaxing its efforts 
(32, p. 89). 


In neither of the above reports is an Anglican Mission eyen men- 
tioned. The historical summary (3:, Pt. 2, p. 20) tellsus that after the 
Wesleyan mission closed a number of benevolent gentlemen formed 
“the society for elevating the condition of the Natives in Otago.” Mr. 
Charles Baker was its agent as schoolmaster at Otakou. On his 
removal the Rev. Mr. Reimenschneider, living at Otakou, filled the post 
till he died in 1867. The Society and he departed together. On to 
about 1891 the Wesleyans maintained at Rapaki “a most excellent 
Native Minister” (Stack, 31, Pt. 2, p. 28), who once or twice a year 
visited the South. 


The Wesleyan Mission was in full swing for 19 years (May, 1840, 
to April, 1859), except one year. Mr. Wohlers continued the plodding 
work for 40 years. ‘he Dunedin Society carried on for seven or eight 
years. The Anglican mission lasted . . . .? 


The Ngaitahus in Canterbury were equally indebted to the 
Wesleyans. John Hape, an aged Maori at Kaiapoi, says that the 
Kaiapoi Natives, then living at Port Levy, &c., first heard Christian 
teaching from a Native called Taawao, who came from the West Coast, 
where he had been taught by a Ngapuhi man from north of Auckland. 


11 


The Weslevans missioned a large portion of the Ngapuhis, and I shall 
show the Wesleyan connection with Port Levy (W’s. Journal, January 
10, 1842). I asked Hape if Mr. Creed had visited them. He said: 
“** Yes; and Mr. Watkin, too.” Hape said that “Taawao” settled at 
Moeraki. On consulting the Register I find Rawiri Kingi “Tawao” 
baptised at Moeraki September 27, 1843, and a child of Rawiri ‘l'awao 
on January 17, 1848—a singular confirmation of tradition, 

In the years 1856-9, while negotiating land purchases from the 
Maoris in Canterbury, Mr. J. W. Hamilton can find no competent 
Maori scholar in the province save the Rev. J. Aldred (who missioned 
Chatham Islands in 1841-2), of the Wesleyan Mission (32, pp. 14-28, 
128); and Mr. Aldred is repeatedly thanked for gratuitous services at 
Akaroa, Port Levy, Raupaki, and Kaiapoi. Mr. J. W. Stack appointed 
Anglican catechist 1860 (32, p. 130). By that time the Natives were 
in a position to contribute, and substantial grants were obtained from 
Government (32, pp. 155-8). 

When the Kaiapoi Reserves were allotted to individuals in various 
areas (Buller’s Report, March, 1862—32, p. 99), I find: ‘ Lot 115, four 
acres and a-half, Wesleyan Church Endowment.” This was a recogni- 
tion of past unquestioned services to the Maoris. The reserve is still 
in the possession of the Natives. 


Native TEACHERS. 


It would not be just to leave the subject of Wesleyan agents 
without a word on Native Teachers. It is the chief peculiarity of 
Methodism to use the laity. It is also characteristic both of humanity 
and Christianity that every one who knows a little should, like Apollos, 
wish to teach what he knows, At the end of his journal Mr. Watkin 
claims ‘more than 20” teachers. We gather the names of a few: 
Solomon Pohio, of Ruapuke (27, March 6, 1844); Elijah, at Purakanui 
(27, June 26, 1843); Joseph, at Port Levy (27, January 10, 1842) ; 
John Wesley; at Otakou (27, December 23, 1843); Josiah, from 
Cloudy Bay (27, July 9, 1843); Hami, known as “ Jimmy Watkin,” 
was, [ am informed, a teacher, and so, I am confident was David 
(Rawiri Te Maire). Add Matthias (Matiu), of Moeraki (31, p. 217), 
and we identify nine important men. Merekihereka Hape was baptised 
early (September 10, 1843), and married (September 15, 1844), and 
subsequently witnessed at Temuka and elsewhere. He was probably a 
teacher, and so commended himself to the Anglicans. Mr. Wohlers 
found Watkin’s teachers at Ruapuke in 1844 (28, p. 103), and Bishop 
Selwyn found them at Temuka and everywhere in the South except 
Centre Island (3, p. 157), in January, 1844. When a difficulty arose 
at Ruapuke a party of teachers set off in a boat to consult Mr. Creed 
(28, p. 147). On several occasions, June 18 and December 23, 1843, 
Watkin held great assemblies, and had crowds of people from far and 
near. This could only have been done through trusted and active 
agents. On the eve of his departure a batch of ‘ Catechumens’ came 
up from Ruapuki to be baptised. This is more significant than many 


12 


visits. Mr. lronside’s teachers also helped in the South (27. April 25, 
June 18, and July 9. 1843, and 21, p. 124). Both Mr. Wohlersand Dr. 
Shortland also speak of wandering and probably self-appointed Native 
evangelists. Every one who knew a little was bound to be a teacher. © 
Watkin’s Journal for January 10, 1842, and September 26, 1843, sheds 
a side light on how Christian teaching was spread. The chanting of 
the Catechism, &c., would be effective teaching. ; 


Mr. Wohlers, Bishop Williams and others in their accounts of 
Mission work show that evangelising was not done only, by 
the Missionary travelling, but by the Natives coming in batches to be 
taught, and staying a week or two with their friends; then going home 
to teach all they knew, and coming back with others to ask questions 
and receive further instruction. As early as October 19, 1840, Watkin 
had four large boat loads of Ruapuke people, say 100, to preach to. 
He had them again October 11, 1842. Native teachers were a great 
power, especially when they were leading men, as Wohlers says the 
first people baptised at Ruapuke were (28, p. 147). Mr. Wohlers and 
Dr. Shortland both speak disparagingly of them, but they saw them in 
strife and controversy, in which even Europeans show their worse 
side. Before sectarian strife arrived in the middle of 1848, I have no 
doubt much good, quiet work had been done. 


Tur GRIP OF THE WESLEYAN MISSION. 


As bearing on the question of prioity as well as the power of the 
Mission I propose to show to whom the “ principal men” adhered. In 
September, 1864, five Native assessors or magistrates were appointed 
for Otago and Southland (32, p. 141). They were all Wesleyans. 
Here are their names, salaries, and dates of baptisms : 


1. Matiaha Tiramorehu ... Waikouaiti £50 July 30, 1843 
2. Horomona Pohio ... Waitaki £30 June 18, 1843 
3. Tare Wetere Te Kahu... Otakou £30 3 Bh 

4. Horomona Pukuhete ... Jacob’s River £30 June 29, 1845 
5. Tione Tope Patuki ... Ruapuke £50 Sept. 15, 1844 


All these were great men, and all except ‘‘4” appear (32) as claimants to land 
from Stewart Island to beyond Kaiapoi. In 1850 ‘‘1” received a special reserve 
as an important man (31, pp. 228 and 234). He was known as Matthias (Matin), 
and is the gentleman claimed by Bishop Nevill (2, b.) as an authority on Anglican 
priority. I find Mr. Mantell, Commissioner of Lands, when laying out the 
reserve at Moeraki reports to Government on January 30th, 1849 (31, p. 217). 
‘*From one of them, the Wesleyan teacher, and the principal man of his place, 
Matiaha Tiramorehu, I received the greatest support and assistance.” ‘‘Matiaha 
has great influence with his people, and is the only one among them well up in 
their traditional history ” (82, p 141). I believe he became a Lay Reader. Like 
many of his ecclesiastical superiors he had a good Wesleyan training. Mr, (late 
Rev.) Shirley Baker is now a Lay Reader in Tonga. Of “2,” Watkin speaks as 
his “ principal teacher” at Ruapuke (27, March 5, 1844), ‘‘4,” was another 
authority on Anglican priority (2 b). When I visited Riverton in 1844, he 
walked over from Colac Bay to assure me that he was a Wesleyan, and that Mr. 
Creed had brought the light and the Holy Spirit to him. Mr. Wohlers says that 
“©5,” known as “ Toby” was chief pilot to Captain Stokes in the survey of 
Foveaux Strait (28, p. 208). 


13 


The following is a more extended list of the Maori aristocracy 


(32, p. 135). 


PRINCIPAL MEN OF THE TRIBES OF OTAGO AND SOUTHLAND. 


Loca.ity. 
Otakou 


Waikouaiti 


Moeraki 


Purukanui... 


Taieri 


Maranuku .. 


Ruapuke 


Aparimu 


NAMES OF PRINCIPAL MEN. 


Matenga Taiaroa ia 
Hoani Wetere a wad 
Wiremu Potiki ; 

Tare Wetere Te Kahu 

Timoti Karetai (son of) 

Te One Korako Turumuku 
Tohiti Haereroa 

Rawiri Te Maire 

Arama Karaka Te Wata Kiewia 
Matiaha Tiramorehu ... ; 
Henare Mauhara x: 
Watena Iki (child of)... 
Natanahira Waruwarutu 

Te Weka (Noa 32, p. 232) 
Hakaraia Te Raki 

Wereta Tuarea 

Haimona Rakiraki 

Kota Pikaroro 

Kingi Kurupohatu 

Thaia Potiki ... 

Teone Topi Patuki 

Thaia Waiteri 

le Marama 

Paitu 

Reweru Paroro 

Horomona Pukuheti 


Date or Baptism. 


April 3, 1859 
June 18, 1843 
Dec, 24, 1843 
June 18, 1843 
Mar. 19, 1854 


Jan, 22, 1843 


Jan. 17, 1844 
July 30, 1843 


Sept. 27, 1850 


Aug. 27, 1843 
Jan. 16, 1851 


Jan. 12, 1845 
June 23, 1844 
Dec. 24, 1643 


Sept. 15, 1844 
June 23, 1844 
Sept. 15, 1844 


June 29, 1845 


Date OF MARRIAGE 


April 3, 1859 
Mar. 14, 1844 
Dec. 25, 1843 
June 19, 1841 


Mar. 14, 1844 
June 17, 1841 


Oct. 6, 1849 
Oct. 6, 1849 


Aug. 23, 1845 


April 13, 1847 


Maoris are often hard to trace owing to using at one time one part of their 


name and another part at another time. 


In spite of this, out of 26 


** principal 


men,” I am able to show that 21 were either married or baptised, or had children 


baptised by the Wesleyans. 


A fuller knowledge of the names would probably 


lead to the identification of others. Other leading men and their date of baptism 
are: Merekihereka Hape, September 10, 1843—married October 23, 1844 ; Rawiri 
Te Mamaru, Moeraki, July 30, 1843. 


Where the chiefs are the people will be. 
to say, March 5, 1844, 
exaggeration for Bishop Selwyn to say (3, p. 


more than half the people. 


The Rev. J. F. H. Wohlers, Lutheran missionary, 
“Memories,” pubilshed in Dunedin in 1895, has many 
Wesleyan Mission. 


field. 


in which to place a Scotch colony. 


157) that 


T1V.—MR. WOHLERS’ NARRATIVE. 


In February, 1844, 


It was no idle boast for Mr. Watkin 
‘most of the people are connected with us,” 


and no 


Watkin’s teachers had 


in his very interesting 
references to the 
When a lad,in Germany he had read a tract translated 
from the English on the pitiful condition of Fiji. 
become a missionary. 


It made him resolve to 
he was at Nelson looking for a 
Mr Tuckett was setting out in the Debora to explore for a region 
He gave Mr Wohlers a passage south. 


14 


On board he found the Rev. Chas. Creed, Wesleyan missionary, going south 
to relieve Mr Watkin (p. 85). Finding the Wesleyans had a mission at 
Cloudy Bay (Blenheim) and another at Waikouaiti, he wished to go south 
and have “one side clear.” 

Here I interject a quotation (13 p. 121): “‘The elementary and religious 
education they (the Natives) appear to have received chiefly from 
Mr Ironside, formerly Wesleyan missionary at Cloudy Bay.” Mr Iron- 
side was at Cloudy Bay from 1840 to 1844. The Watkin traditions 
agree with the Journal (April 25, June 18, July 9, 1843), and with Shortland 
(52 p. 124), that converts from Cloudy Bay travelled the whole of the East 
Coast of the Island with their evangel. 

’ To return to Mr Wohlers. In Wellington “I obtained from a Wesleyan 
missionary, whose name was well known southwards on the East Coast, 
a letter of introduction to the Natives in the south” (p. 86). At Banks 
Peninsual Tuckett stayed some time to explore, and Wohlers met a great 
trading chief from Ruapuke, with a keen eye to the advantage of getting 
Europeans to settle and improve values, Tuhawaiki, the name of him, other- 
wise “Bloody Jack” from much iteration of the adjective. To him Wohlers 
presented his introduction, and the secretary having read it, his highness 
said, “He shall be welcome.” (p. 87.) 


Bishop Nevill quotes this meeting (2. b.) but with a singular silence 
about the introduction, which is the soul of the passage. If Tuhawaiki 
was true to Bishop Selwyn, whom he had conveyed South, why did he 
welcome a Lutheran on a Wesleyan recommendation ? 


Who gave Wohlers this introduction in Wellington? Without 
knowing of Wohlers’ narrative the Rev. W. J. Watkin wrote to me 
saying “‘ Father persuaded the Southern Natives to receive Mr. Wohlers 
as their missionary.” I have found no other reference to the matter. 


Looking for the Port Levy Pa, where Creed had been invited to preach, the 
two were lost for four days in a fog on the hills, and well nigh perished. 
Mr Tuckett wanted Wohlers to stay here, but he would not push in 
between the Wesleyan stations, “besides there were Native teachers here 
already.” (p. 95.) 


Who were these teachers? “‘ Here” meant Port Levy. Thither came 
Taawao from the West Ooast, a Wesleyan. Thence came Hohepa to 
Watkin, January 9, 1842. Hewasa Wesleyan teacher. To Port Levy 
Creed was invited by the Natives to preach (28, p. 88). Just about that 
time (April 21, 1844) Watkin baptised nine Port Levy people. On 
October 5, 1845, Creed marrie! nine couples there, Hohepa and David 
being witnesses, and baptised 35 the same day. Hence the “teachers 
here already” were Wesleyans. Hohepa had taught in 1841, and 
Taawao was earlier still. There was an R.C. Priest at Akaroa. 
Hohepa withstood him at Port Levy (27), and probably at Pigeon Bay 
(21, p. 274). Bishop Nevill and others state that Martin stayed at 
Akaroa in 1843. Mr. Creed, being no interloper, baptised none there 
but Europeans in October, 1845. e 


Mr Wohlers thanked God that he did not stay on Banks Peninsula, as 
it became an Episcopalian settlement. ‘‘If the Church authorities had found me 
at work among the Natives they would, as their custom is, have greeted and 
treated me in a friendly manner, but the friendship would have had the 


15 


aim of incorporating us into their church, and that I did not desire. I 
love Christianity as the Bible teaches it, which includes all the disciples 
of Jesus, but I cannot bear to be in an exclusive Church coerced by human 
rules.” (p. 96.) 


A most significent passage. It is Mr. Wohlers’ judgment on the 
cause of the divisions he afterwards describes. 


After exploring Canterbury Mr Tuckett sailed south, and, landing at 
Moeraki, walked overland to Waikouaiti. ‘‘There was no opening for me 
among the Natives there (Moeraki), as they were already under Wesleyan 
care.” (p. 97.) 


1 interject that the Journal shows repeated visits, and the Register 
29 baptisms before Wholers’ visit. Here came Mr. Hadfield’s neophyte 
in 1843, and “made some converts.” ‘he result may be found in 
Shortland’s (21, p. 136). 


November, 1843.—‘‘ The Moeraki Natives, though mostly Christian, are di- 
vided into two parties, one calling themselves ‘The Children of Wesley,’ the other 
‘The Church of Pahia’ (headquarters at Bay of Islands, where Mr Hadfield origi- 
nated). These parties maintain constant disputes on the subject of religion, so that 
the division and bad feeling have been introduced into almost every family. 
There are two churches, with two iron pots for bells, which keep up a 
loud and obstinate rivalry.” Shortland attributes this to their never having 
had any “teachers but young and raw Natives, who set themselves to make 

roselytes with a spirit more natural to the New Zealander than becoming to the 
hristian.” He allowed his eldest servant, a Pahia man, trained in the 
house of an Anglican missionary, and more competent than the local teacher, 
to preach, and afterwards deeply regretted it. The proselytising and the Pahia 
man are significant. 


I return to Mr Wohlers. At Waikouaiti Mr Watkin came on board, and 
shaking hands with his successor said, “* Welcome to Purgatory!” They sailed 
into Otago (Otakou) harbour without calling at the Kaik. Mr Tuckett walked 
overland to Port Molyneux, where they picked him up, and then went on to 
Foveaux Strait. Mr Wohlers was landed on the Island of Ruapuke by Pilot 
E. Palmer. On the voyage he was led to peace with God by Missionary 
Watkin, and thence learned a thrift which has made him comfortable in 
his old age. (p. 102.) 


Mr Wohlers did not find the Maoris heathen. The citadel of Maoridom 
had been shaken by the Missions in the north. “This created so great a 
revolution that the whole Maori people were affected by it, and the shock 
was felt to the furthermost end, and had results even in this far south.’ 
So far Bishop Nevill (2.b.) quotes this passage, introducing it by saying 
that Mr Wohlers was speaking of the results of “Church mission in the 
north.” Now faith is the substance of things hoped for. Mr Wohlers had 
simply said, “labours of the missionaries,” and was not likely to exclude 
his friends, the Wesleyans, in favour of the “exclusive church’’ which he 
dreaded. He continues: “Then the Wesleyan missionary at Waikouaiti came 
on mission journies to the south, and appointed baptised Natives as 
teachers. A few years after my arrival the Anglican Bishop of New 
Zealand, Dr Selwyn, came here, and also appointed baptised Natives as 
teachers.” (p. 103.) 


Mr. Wohlers, writing after nearly forty years, is not quite accurate ; 
the Bishop had been at Ruapuke three months before Wohlers, and the 
second episcopal visit was much later. On his first visit the Bishop 


16 


spent 14 days in visiting ten places. His influence must have been 
like that of the shadow of a raven flying high. No wonder, then, that 
Mr, Wohlers forgot, or knew nothing of the Bishop’s first visit. It is, 
however, quite clear that the impression in his mind is that “ the 
Wesleyan Missionary at Waikouaiti” was at Ruapuke first. Mr. 
Watkin baptised a Ruapuke man, Solomon Pohio, a chief, and “ my 
principal teacher (27, March 6, 1844), on June 18, 1843, three more 
on October 8, nine others on December 24, and six ‘“ Catechumen’s” 
on June 23, 1844. Wohlers says the first people baptised were chiefs 


(p. 147). 


Elsewhere (31 p. 21, Pt. 2) Mr Wohler says: “A form of Christian 
worship and several copies of the earlier translation of the New Testament 
had already (May, 1844) been introduced chiefly by Native agency, and not a 
few had already the art of reading and writing.” Again, he says (50 p. 124): 
“Now the great spiritual movement from the north had already reached 
this far south, chiefly through the Native agencies, when I arrived here. The 
New Testament had been translated into Maori, and some copies had found 
their way hither.” How these statements about the few Testaments, and 
they of the old translation are to agree with Bishop Selwyn’s complaint 
(3 p. 157) that Watkin had won over half the congregation in every place 
by lavishing 500 Testaments I cannot tell. 


But to conclude the story of Mr Wohlers’ happy relation with the 
Wesleyans. He describes and deprecates the absurd strife he found raging 
between the Wesleyans and the Church, and wishes the missionaries could 
leave this church history behind them and teach Christianity (p. 110). When 
he wished to baptise his first convert the Wesleyan Native teachers objected, 
and a boat set out for Waikouaiti. “I knew that missionary Creed would 
not take sides against me.” (p. 147.) The boat returned in a few days, and 
the candidate was brought to him to be baptised. He was not dealing 
with an “exclusive Church.” After some years he went to Wellington 
to seek a wife. He stayed with Mr Creed at Waikouaiti, and Mrs Creed 
gave him a sealed letter to a lady in Wellington (p. 175). In Wellington 
he stayed with Mr Watkin, who also facilitated the match. “He shared 
my room,” says Mr J. E. Watkin. One night as they sat and smoked, Watkin 
asked him why he became a missionary. He told how he had read the 
tract, translated from English, about the condition of the heathen Fiji. Watkin 
was interested, and questioned his guest, who repeated most of the tract. It 
was Watkin’s own immortal cry from Macedonia, “Pity poor Fiji.” (p. 177-8.), 
No doubt those two men shook hands heartily that night. 


V.—THE PRE-SELWYN AGE. 


The Rey. S. Marsden began the Anglican Mission in the North on 
Christmas Day, 1815. The Rev. Samuel Leigh, on Marsden’s invitation, 
began the Wesleyan Mission in 1822. On August 16, 1823, Mr. 
Marsden witnessed the deed by which the Maoris ceeded the Wesleyan 
Mission site at Whangaroa. Such was’ the fraternal feeling among 
co-workers in the vast field. They delimited their fields, the 
Wesleyans taking Waikato and the West Coast down to Wellington, 
and subsequently extending to Cloudy Bay and Waikouaiti. The 


17 


Anglicans taking the more populous East Coast. ‘Vheir forms were the 
same, the Wesleyans using John Wesley’s revision of the Prayer Book. 
They transferred members and catechumens as need arose through 
migration, and generally endeavoured to keep out of sight of the Maoris 
all sectarian differences. Like Apostles of Christ’s own sending, they 
were wise as serpents, and, for the most part, as harmless as doves. 
The Anglicans were the more worldly, and far too many of them 
acquired vast estates for “a checked shirt and an iron pot.” E. G. 
Wakefield in 1846 says (25, p. 66) :— 


The estates of the sons of British peers who have settled in New 
Zealand . . . are quite insignificant when compared with the domains. 
awarded to missionary mechanics and clergymen in satisfaction of land-shark 
claims” (the Anglicans employed mechanics). Dr Lang, in 1839 (18 p. 19), is 
much more explicit and detailed. According to him Marsden was a man 
of the world, as weli as an Apostle. He was a famous breeder, and did as 
much dealing in stock as almost any man in Australia, and was given to making 
pecuniary remittances of missionary money to New Zealand in cattle. 
Probably the best way for the time being, but the effect on missionary and 
Native was scarcely spiritual. His trading proclivities gave rise to this 
conundrum among the profane: “What takes Marsden to evangelise the 
the Maoris?” Answer: “New Zeal and flax.” But if worldly, the 
Anglicans were neighbourly and charitable. 


Of the Wesleyan Mission Lang says: “I am happy to add that from 
all I could learn on the subject from the most respectable European inhabitants 
of the Island, it is in a highly prosperous state. . . . Your Lordship 
may perhaps imagine that the greater success of that mission may arise from 
the fact that Wesleyans. as a religious denomination, are more likely to 
obtain suitable persons for carrying on such a mission from among their 
own members than the Church of England. This, doubtless, is the case to 
a certain extent, but the greater success of the Wesleyan mission, as compared 
with the Church mission must, I conceive, be ascribed to the fact that the 
Wesleyan missionaries are strictly prohibited . . . from acquiring property 
of any kind, whether in land or stock, at their missionary stations.” (18 p. 33.) 


Much contemporary light on Missionaries ard the land question 
will be found in the House of Commons inquiry (20), where it is made 
perfectly clear that Mr. White was the only Wesleyan Missionary 
land-shark, and that was after he had ceased to be employed. Also 
that the Wesleyans were held in “ greater respect ” for not buying land 
or engaging in mercantile or trading pursuits (p. 64) (See alsu 24, 
p. 50). Before Waikouaiti and Cloudy Bay were occupied the C.M. 
employed six clergy, had 284 communicants, 1,444 in schools, and 
total congregation 4,644 (20, p. 182). The Wesleyans had ten clergy 
(16 in 1840), 1,300 communicants, 600 catechumens, and “a great 
number of hearers” (20, p. 92). Cost in 1839, £3,885 (p. 95). ‘ The 
Papists ” (20, p. 179) had eight clergy, and ten more expected. 


Comparisions are odious: but as Bishop Nevill has calmly 
arrogated to the “Church Missions” alone (2b) the spiritual earth- 
quakes felt at Ruapuke, it is my painful duty to quote disinterested 
observers of the condition of things in the years immediately pre- 
ceding the said earthquake. It is, however, freely admitted that 


18 


Anglicans had many most devoted Missionaries, and in the end 
accomplished a great work, having considerably more Natives under 
their care than the Wesleyans. 


To continue, the two Missions worked in peace and harmony. The 
Wesleyans were also on good terms with all other Churches. Messrs. 
Watkin and Creed facilitated the settlement of the Lutheran Wohlers. 
I find (13, p. 135) the Rev. Mr. Nicholson (Presbyterian), of Nelson, 
writing on September 13, 1848. 


“Our usual place of worship is the schoolroom At present I am occupy- 
ing the Wesleyan Church, Mr Aldred, the minist, being on a visit to 
Wellington.” Good Dr Burns, writing to the Rev. John Sym on April 26, 
1848, says (13 p. 205): “The Sabbath after my arrival I preached to the 
immigrants from the John Wickliffe, at Dunedin, in the forenoon. One of the 
audience was the Rev. Mr Reed (Creed), Wesleyan missionary of the 
district. He preached to us in the afternoon. He is an excellent, devoted 
man. I hope that we shall be able to strengthen each others’ hands.” 

In 1843 (17) Rev. Mr Ironside, Wesleyan Missionary at Cloudy Bay, 
writes: ‘“Mr Reay, the Church minister, lately arrived here. He is a pious 
man, and will doubtless be rendered useful.”’ , 

I cite these things to show the Christian spirit that prevailed, and to 
indicate that the Wesleyans of the time were not seeking sectarian strife. 

I may add that I searched among the many letters from early Otago 
settlers, printed in Earp’s Handbook, for information about the Maoris. They 
say little, but what they do say is favourable to the Native character. 
There is nothing about the religion of the Maoris. Speaking of the Natives 
the editor says: “In the large district of Otago itself, there are only about 
50 men, women, and children in all.” ‘his is probably intended to encourage 
immigrants. The following extracts from letters written in 1848 are all 1 can 
find. William Duff says (p. 206):: “Scotch settlers, who have been here 
a number of years, are quite at home with the Natives, and have no fear 
of them.” William Westland says (p. 224): “No Natives, no poisonous rep- 
tiles; fine fertile land, and the finest potatoes and beef I ever ate.” Mr 


McDermaid says: ‘‘The Natives seem an obliging, well-disposed sort of 
people; we would be the better of more of them” (p. 211). George Ross 
says (p. 223): “You sit under your own fig tree, and none to make 


you afraid. As for the Natives every one is more kind than another and 
strictly honest, and if it were not for some of our own people we would re- 


quire no locks . . . Mostly every day there are several of them in the 
house playing on the damboard (draughts) and teaching us their language.” 
John Thompson, sawyer, says (p. 227): ‘The Natives have the appearance 


of being very quiet; many of them speak good English. I have spoken to 
many of them. I think they are descended from the Jews, they are so 
exceedingly hard, and would have all that they see, but we are not afraid 
of them. People who have lived among them for several years give them the 
highest character.” T. Adams says (p. 128): “You cannot give them greater 
offence than to speak of their eating human flesh.” Howard and Heber 
Lakeman have visited the Native reserve at Taieri (Ty-ee-ree) . . . the 
chief of the tribe is the beau ideal of savage chieftainship—generous, hospitable, 
and very anxious to have a white man among the Maoris.” (p. 233.) 


Whoever the teachers of the Maoris were, it is evident they had 
no reason to blush for the character of their flock. Mr. Creed per- 
formed the first baptism at Taieri on July 30, 1847, that of Matena 
Korako, a chief. He afterwards baptised the head man, Hakaraia 
Te Raki, probably the chiet referred to. 


VI.—THE SELWYN AGE, 


The Bishop’s arrival (May 29, 1842, 31 p. 11, etc.) caused a material 
change in the relations between the Church missionaries and the Wesleyans. 
Hitherto the spirit which led Marsden to enlist the sympathies and assistance 
of the Rev. S. Leigh (Wesleyan) in the mission work had distinguished 
the relations subsisting between the two missions. They had _ studiously 
avoided coming into conflict, defining by mutual consent their respective sphere 
of labour, and had co-operated with each other wherever they could. The 
Bishop’s High Church views and the duty he conceived to be imposed upon 
him of establishing his church throughout the Colony caused him to refuse 
recognition altogether to the Wesleyans as a co-ordinate Christianising mis- 
sionary body. This led to considerable conflict between the two denomina- 
tions, and to confusion and loss of power in the mission work among the 


Natives. (6 p. 621.) 


The effect on the Maoris may be illustrated by Baron de Thierry’s 
account of the disputes before raw savages between the Protestant 
Missionaries and the Catholics (Brett p. 626). 


When Repa, a brave and daring fellow, was first seen by me in 
1837, I was struck with his intelligent appearance. He was then a favourite 
member of the Wesleyans. When Bishop Selwyn arrived, Repa heard of his 
great liberality, and went to bim and said the Wesleyans were kakino (no 
good), and he became a zealous Anglican. He néxt admired the texture of 
Bishop Pompallier’s (R.C.) blankets, and he and all his tribe became Catholics, 
diligently crossing himself a hundred times a day, and incessantly praising 
the Bishop and his priests. But in an evil hour Bishop Pompallier refused 
to supply his demands, so Repa took three wives, and he and all his people 
once more turned devils. 

The Rev. James Buller (9.) gives a most graceful and generous account of 
Selwyn’s labours, yet he is forced to conclude thus: “The first outcome of 
his zeal was to throw the people back upon unprofitable questions. Up to 
that time the converts of the two Societies had looked upon each other 
as members of one body, and held inter-communion. But, unhappily, this was 
now forbidden. The Jews were to have no dealings with the Samaritans ae 
When I asked a New Zealand chief why he had refused to become a 
Christian he stretched out three fingers, and said, ‘I have come to the 
cross road, and I see three ways—English, Wesleyan, Roman. Each teacher 
says his own way is the best. I am sitting down and doubting which guide 
to follow.’ ” 


Mr. E. J. Wakefield writing of 1843 (1, p. 357), says “* the Church 
party of Natives in Taranaki called the Wesleyan’s ‘shoemakers, 
tailors, and servants,’ while the Bishop and Mr. Hadfield were 
rangatiras (gentlemen).” Whether the Natives derived these old world 
terms of contempt from inspiration or other sources I do not pretend 
to say. 


Bishop Selwyn was a high churchman. His first achievement was 
to secure and consecrate cemeteries for Anglicans apart from other 
Protestants (3). In April and May 1844, the Rev. H. Hanson Turton, 
Wesleyan Missionary at New Plymouth, addressed three letters to 
Bishop Selwyn on the confusion and division he had caused between 
the Missions and among the simple Natives. These letters are very 


20 


powerful productions, and bristle with facts. They are re-printed in 
W. Brown’s New Zealand, 1845, and are quoted at length in Brett’s 
New Zealand (pp. 623-6). I must confine myself to précis and a few 
citations. 


Having received no reply to private complaints, Mr T. makes a public 
remonstrance regarding the excitement and diversion among the Natives. 
Complaint had been made of imprudent interference by the Anglican misisonaries 
at Wanganui (Taylor) and Waikanae (Hadfield) without redress. One of these 
had marked a Wesleyan Native with the sign of the Cross, saying, “Now your 
baptism is complete,” and admitted him to communion. He subsequently jour- 
neyed from Wanganui to New Plymouth, marking with the Cross “all who 
were ignorant or foolish enough to submit.” This is the first avowed division 
of feeling that has taken place during 20 years. 


The Christian conquest of the Maori had been achieved by harmonious 
co-operation. The headquarters of the two missions had been divided by a 
narrow strip of land only, yet without interference. The same spirit of love 
had marked the extension of the several spheres, the Wesleyans “stretching 
along the western coast, and the Middle Island as far as Kawhia, Taranaki, 
Port Nicholson, Nelson, Cloudy Bay, and Otago. Indeed, such was the 
formal arrangement agreed upon some years ago between the parent societies 
at Home, and it is in full force at the present time, however it may 
have been disregarded by recent Acts.” . “The occupation of Wanganui 
and Waikanae (Otaki) by members of your Lordship’s Society we never can 
consider in any other light than as a most unfriendly interference with the 
acknowledged claims of another body of Christians. (Watkin had been ap- 
pointed to that place, see Journal, June 23, 1840.) 


Had a little more missionary prudence and courtesy, and rather less 
intemperate High Church zeal been shown by the agents located at those 
stations, then might the evil have been less, and our rightful claims might 
have been foregone. But as it is, I can assure your Lordship of the con- 
viction of many that the present occupaat of Waikanae (Hadfield) would have 
done much more good had he been placed upon a station where he could 
have done much less harm.” After the Wesleyans had redeemed the Natives 
from savagery, Mr Turton thinks it lamentable to find a bishop “travelling 
the coast and astonishing the minds of the Natives with the (to them) unheard-of 
assertion that the Wesleyans are a ‘crooked branch,’ a ‘fallen people,’ and that 
they have no scriptural ministers,” ete. 


Letter II.—On October 31, 1843, the Bishop had informed the Wesleyans 
that they were ‘‘Schismatics,” their ordination “invalid,” and their baptisms 
at most were “acts of laymen.” ‘‘ Upon your Lordship’s arrival in New Zealand 
you found the Natives settled down in a state of domestic peace ; family feuds 
were ended, and parents and children worshipped God according to their 
limited knowledge. Perhaps one part of a family have been baptised into the 
Episcopalian, another part into the Wesleyan Church. Your Lordship appears 
amongst them, and tells them they must no longer worship together. . . . 
I here refer to my own district, and what is the result? Why, that the 
Scriptures are literally fulfilled, and a man’s foes are they of his own house- 
hold! Here we have the awful sight of father and son, mother and 
daughter, hating each other with a mortal hatred. In some cases they 
are dividing themselves into separate pas, in others into separate di- 
visions of the same pa. In one village, within eight miles of 
this settlement, the party spirit has run so high between near kinsmen that one 
of these has erected a fence across the Kainga, and lined it thickly with fern, 
not as a breakwind, but, as he told me, ‘That one party might not even 
be able to look upon the other.’” The Waikatos had conqeured the Taranakis 
and carried them into slavery. The masters and the slaves alike were 


21 


converted under the Wesleyan mission, and the proud conquerors released their 
slaves and consented to do their own work. The returned slaves were followed 
by the Wesleyan mission, and lived in harmony and without bitterness to 
their late masters. High Church exclusiveness made its appearance among them 
and the released slaves burned with hatred to their late Wesleyan masters, and 
refused roughly to hear the very missionaries who had released them. Some 
of the Waikato chiefs actually proposed to go and bring their “slaves back 
again that they might be initiated for a few more years in the principles 
of Wesleyan prudence and Wesleyan love.’’ When the returned slaves of a 
certain pa refused to hear the missionary who had emancipated them, they 
pleaded his lordship’s personal instructions. “As a body of Wesleyan mis- 
sionaries we have delivered our souls, and their blood shall not be required 
at our hands.” 


These glimpses of the old strife will convince everyone but High 
Churchmen of the insensate folly of the Selwyn policy, and the glimpses 
of Selwyn himself, and of Hadfield, will indicate at once the nature of 
‘“‘obtrusion” (3, p. 157) into Mr. Watkin’s field of which he com- 
plained, and the value of the Bishop’s opinion of Mr. Watkin and his 
work, and of the justness of Watkin’s reflections in his Journal 
(January 15 and July 9, 1843). The Bishop was constantly talking 
about the “‘ Popery of the Wesleyans,” and his determination to put 
down all ‘' Shibboleths ” (see his letters), and yet his otherwise splendid 
character was marred by the most narrow sectarianism. For his own 
trade union he sacrificed not only his stipend, but, alas, Christian 
charity and peace. 


Well does an Edinburgh Reviewer remark (1863, p. 551) in 
doubting the value of colonial bishoprics. 


The battle can be won only by the arms of humility, simplicity, and 
self-abnegation. Every assumption of authority, however trifling ; every osten- 
tation of dignity, however frivolous, is a hindrance . . . The unfettered 
efforts of Protestants of many demoninations, long before missionary bishops 
were thought of, raised a Christian church in Polynesia which most aearly 
approached that of the primitive ages.”’ 


VU.—TAMIHANA RAUPARAHA. 


Te Rauparaha, the last of the savages, was chief of Kapiti and Otaki. 
He made his terrible raids on Kaikoura, Akaroa, and Kaiapoi between 
1828 and 1832. He did not come further south than Akaroa, but the Ngaitahu 
tribe extended from Kaikoura to the extreme south. Taiaroa, with the men 
of Otakou, took a brave part in the defence of Kaiapoi during the great 
siege. They escaped shortly before the place fell. Taiaroa, Tuhawaiki, and 
others twice led an avenging force to Cook Strait. Ultimately Te Rauparaha 
sent back the principal captives with presents, and sought peace. A treaty 
was concluded, but the rest of the captives remained as slaves (14.) About this 
time Te Rauparaha desired a missionary, but by 1839 he had changed his 
mind (12 p. 154). His son, afterwards Thompson, or Tamihana, had 
learned a little from one who had been a slave in the north, and, in 
spite of his father, boarded a whaler and went to the Bay of Islands for 
a teacher. There was none to spare, but the Rev. Octavius Hadfield, who 
was in deacon’s orders when he arrived in 1838, and was engaged in 


22 


teaching European children (3 p. 178 and 6 p. 412) asked what Tamihana 
had said, for he did not understand Maori (12 p. 155). On be: told, he 
offered to go, and sailed for Otaki, October 21, 1839 (6 p. 412). From 
Wellington he journeyed overland with the Rey. H. William, who inducted 
him about the beginning of November, 1839 (10 p. 556). Six months later 
Mr Watkin, who had been designated for Otaki (27, June 25, 1840), for that 
coast was in the Wesleyan sphere, arrived at Waikouaiti. Mr Watkin’s 
experience and knowledge of a cognate tongue would compensate for the 
difference in time. After three years’ labour baptisms became numerous in 
both places. The year ending in 1843 is specially mentioned (11 p. 129) for 
244 baptisms at Otaki. Watkin baptised 199 in 1643 in a much more scattered 
population. _ Tamihana would no doubt be one of the first to be baptised. 
He was confirmed at Otaki in December, 1843. (4.) 


I have now come to Tamihana’s Mission to the South. I premise 
that Missionaries are necessarily always on the alert for an anecdote 
that will tell well at Exeter Hall. Tamihana’s adventure to the Bay 
of Islands provided such an anecdote, and was the foundation of his 
fame. His mission to the former enemies of his tribe provided a 
suitable sequel, and was susceptible of some embellishment, which it has 
not failed to receive, as its variants will prove. 


The date of Tamihana’s departure from home is the first point to 
be settled. Bishop Williams (5, p. 301-2) after mentioning the raid of 
1830, says: 


After a lapse of 18 years, Christianity having introduced a better state 
of things, tamihana, son of Te Rauparaha, with his cousin, Matine te Whiwhi 
_ went with a body of their Christian friends, under the sanction 

of Archdeacon ‘Hadfield, and carried the gospel to the survivors. 


This would place the visit of Tamihana in 1848. He evidently 
connects it with Bishop Selwyn’s second visit instead of the first. It is. 
characteristic of Anglican writers on New Zealand Missions that they 
are barely aware of the existence of the Wesleyan Mission. Williams, 
though a historian, thought Tamihana could be the first even in 1848! 
It is clear, however, that he did not know of any teacher of earlier 
date. 


The best authority on the date should be Bishop Hadfield’s letter 
to Bishop Nevill (2b), in which the former after describiug his 
unsuccessful attempt to reach Otago himself in 1842, says: “ Early in 
1843 I sent two competent teachers to Akaroa and Otago.” These 
were T'amihana and his cousin Martin. 


We next take Bishop Selwyn’s account (3, p. 178). 


To conclude the history of my friends Thompson and Martin. At the 
request of Mr Hadfield they undertook a missionary voyage to the Middle 
Island and Foveaux Strait, voyaging in an open boat more than 1000 miles 

They returned after 14 ‘months, having catechised and preached at 

t every Native settlement in the Southern Island and in Foveaux Strait. On 

my visit to these places last year, I found that the Natives uniformly 
ascribed their conversion to them. 


23 


The Bishop may mean Stewart Island by “Southern,” as dis- 
tinguished from the “ Middle.” But not so Canon Stack (late of the 
Anglican Mission) in his improved echo (14, p. 91). 


In 1843 Tamihana, the only surviving son of Rauparaha, and his cousin, in- 
spired with the noble desire, ete. . . . visited the South Island, where 
ties spent two years, during which period they visited every Maori settlement 
in it for the purpose of imparting the Christian faith, which they had both 
embraced, having been baptised shortly before by Mr Hadfield. . . . During 
the whole time spent among the Ngaitahu these two young mén were 
in momentary danger of being put to death either to gratify hatred. . . or 
blood feud . . . The heroic courage and fervent zeal of these two young 
missionaries was rewarded by the conversion of the entire population. 


The intelligent reader will observe how the story improves with 
much telling, also that all these authorities hide the plodding European 
Missionary, who had worked ever since 1840, behind their Native, who 
paid a visit in 1843. Let us hear Tamihana’s own account (29, p. 92). 


I was absent when the fight took place at Wairau (the Massacre, June 
17, 1843), having gone to preach to the Ngaitahu. I went as far as Rakaia 
(sic). I was there a year, and was the first person that went to preach there. 
It was on that account that my father did not go there to fight. 


This is the passage with which Mr, Ro. Carrick (Otago Daily Times, 
August 9) proposed to crush me. It fits into my case admirably. 
“ Rakaia” is an error, possibly for Rakiura (Stewart Island). There 
was no permanent pa at Rakaia. Tamihana’s last sentence makes no 
sense. His being there in 1843 could not have been the reason why 
his father did not go there in 1830. He is either misreported, or he 
was thinking in Maori and speaking in English. What he meant, no 
doubt, was “1 went there on this account, that my father did not go 
there to fight.” A frank and sensible statement, very different from 
the heroics of his historians. 


Dr. Shortland, the gentleman who found the opposition iron pots 
clanging at Moeraki at the end of 1843, reporting to the Government 
on March 18, 1844 (32, p. 124), says: 


The Ngaitahu are the tribes from Kaikoura to Stewart Island. ee es 
Mr Watkin came among them in 1840. Native missionaries, also, who had 
received instruction in the Northern Island, arrived from time to time, and 
being readily listened to wherever they went, became the medium of spreading 
rapidly (though often mixed with error) the doctrines of Christainity. Very 
LATELY young men, better instructed, have been sent by the Rev. O. Hadfield 
and Mr Ironside, to visit this tribe. They have, however, busied themselves 
in making proselytes with more of the Native than Christian spirit, and have 
caused a schism between the inhabitants of almost every settlement, one 
party styling themselves the children of Wesley, and the other the Church 
of Paihia. ‘The distraction of their minds thus caused has essentially inter- 
fered with their happiness, by producnig a feeling of separation between 
the members of the same family. This would seem to suggest the expediency 
of not sending missionaries of different creeds to the same tribe. 


I here remark :—1. It is evident that Shortland concedes priority 
to Mr. Watkin. 2. “ Very lately” would mean any time in 1843, The 


24 


reference is doubtless to Tamihana and Josiah, both of whom were at 
Waikouaiti on July 9, 1843 (27). 3. He does not appear to think that 
ee late comers broke new ground, or were the first anywhere. 
. The Wesleyans now forced into sectarian questions would, in defend- 
a their own, seem also to be proselytising. 5. The official who is a 
friend of the Bishop, and who writts ‘ Rev.” for one and “ Mr.” for 
others is not likely to specify the aggressor to the Government. His 
account of his experience at Moeraki (21, p. 136. See ‘“ Wohlers’ 
Narrative ”), and his opinion of Tamihana, hereafter to be quoted, show, 
however, that he was not blind. 6. It is obvious that Shortland thinks 
that the men who came “ very lately ” should have stayed at home. 


To return to the question of the date of Tamihana’s visit. Bishop 
Hadfield who sent him says “early in 1843.” Bishop Nevill, Dean 
Jacobs, and Canon Stack all say 1843, and Dr. Shortland on March 18, 
1844 says “‘ very lately.” Where so many dignitaries agree there can 
be no dispute, especially as Mr. Watkin reports the arrival of Martin 
in January, and of Tamihana in July. The Wairau massacre was three 
weeks old at the time of Tamihana visit. but Watkin did not hear of 
it for another month. This terrible event seemed fraught with war or 
arrest and execution to Tamihana’s father and Martin’s uncle, the head 
of their tribe. On hearing of the tragedy they would hasten home. 
1 will prove presently that Tamihana did so. Watkin does not say 
which way T'amihana was travelling in July, but I think he was going 
South, and I trace his course thus: At Cloudy Bay, near Wairau, he 
had relatives land claims. David Puaha (23, p. 21), a chief and a 
Wesleyan teacher (17, p. 592, &c.), who interceded, Bible in hand, at 
the massacre (23, p. 23), and helped Ironside to bury 19 of the bodies, 
was Te Rauparaha’s nephew. I think Tamihana called at Cloudy Bay, 
and that Ironside scenting the High Church intrusion sent Watkin 
warning and a promise of help. Watkin writes in January as if he had 
received something of the kind. Shortland mentions Hadfield’s and 
Jronside’s men together, and Tamihana and Josiah were both at 
Waikouaiti together. I have the following from the oldest Native at 
Kaiapoi, John Hape, in answer to written questions. Question: “ Did 
Tamihana ever teach the Kaiapoi people?” Answer: ‘“ Yes, at Port 
Levy, where they lived in those days, and at other places.” Question: 
‘“‘ Was it dangerous for him to come in 1843?” Answer: ‘‘No. They 
were Christians before he came (see story of ‘'aawao and Hohepa) ; 
besides there was a treaty of peace.’ 


Tamihana, shadowed by Ironside’s men, would therefore attack 
Hohepa’s work at Port Levy and Pigeon Bay, where Shortland found 
strife a year later (21, p. 258), while Martin skirmished down the coast 
unshadowed, but making his head quarters at Akaroa, as Bishop 
Nevill says. One of them visited Te Waiate Ruate (Temuka), for on 
January 14, 1844, Bishop Selwyn found strife there (4), though more 
than half were with the Wesleyans (3, p. 157) Later on “he planted 
himself at Moeraki, and made some converts” (2a). ‘That is, he set the 


25 


second iron pot clanging. Ordinary Missionaries, like Watkin, made 
converts in the course of years. How long did it take Tamihana? 
As long as it took the secret emissaries of the Hauhau’s to spoil Wohlers’ 
work ? (31, p. 21). Anyway he reached Waikouaiti on July 9, and that 
was evidently Watkin’s first sight of him. Martin's visit in January 
seems to have been short. But Tamihana is regarded as a more 
formidable man, for Watkin not only complains, but has been busy 
ear-marking his sheep. Bishop Williams (5) says that the advent of 
Romish proselytisers stimulated the Anglicans to greater activity in the 
North. Watkin had his first big baptism three weeks before Tamihana 
arrived, when that worthy was probably making converts at Moeraki. 
On June 17 Watkin’s list of baptisms reached 30; at the end of the 
year it stood at 217. 


Tamihana would go South, and possibly be there two or three 
months before he heard of the massacre. When the news came it would 
do him no harm, for Wohlers tells us that the Wairau affair was 
regarded by the Maoris as a glorious victory over land stealers. Mean- 
time there may, as Mr. Carrick says (2d), have been some discussion 
of the ancient Inws of revenge, by way of change from Pahia and 
Weteri, But the Ngaitahus had learned at Kaiapoi that it was a 
serious thing to kill Te Rauparaha’s friends (14); besides, a strong 
infusion of Christianity had arrived. ‘The great chief Horomona Pohio 
was “ principal teacher,” and Topi himself was in training. There was 
a sprinkling of white men, about 20 in the Strait, and some fear of the 
law too. Moreover, as John Hape remarks, there was a treaty of peace. 
Watkin says “ Ohristianity makes enemies friends.” 


Mr. Joosten (2 e), whose letter agrees fairly with my own results, 
thinks there was no idea of exacting utu from Tamihama. I am 
convinced that the legend of Tamihama’s danger arose out cf the 
demands of the missionary platform. It was a guess and an after- 
thought by those who did not know. Selwyn does not mention it, and 
I have searched in vain for any mention of it by Tamihama himself, 
either here or at Home. The tale, however, shows that its supporters 
consider that Tamihana found the Maoris in their primitive savagery, 
and that he had had no predecessors, and he certainly had no Anglican 
predecessors at Ruapuke. 

Sooner or later the news of the massacre would arrive, and 
Tamihana would hasten home. How long did his mission last? He 
says “ I was there a year.” He means among the Ngaitahu. Bishop 
Selwyn says 14 months. Canon Stack says two years! Evidently 
none of them knows, not even Tamihana, for Maori ideas of time 
are vague. 

Mr. E. J. Wakefield (1, p. 49%) was in the flax business at Otaki 
in 1843, and writing of November or December he says: 

I formed some intimacy with Tamihana, who had become much civilised 


in the course of his various voyages to the Bay of Islands and other places. 
He had only returned to Cook Strait from one of these trips since the 


26 


Wairau Massacre, ‘and lived almost apart from his father in the large pa 
nearer the house wherein I dwelt. . . . He was constantly on owebadk, 
jumping and racing along the beach. 


It is clear that Tamihana returned to Otaki well within the year, 
having been away perhaps eight or nine months, most of the time beiug 
Spent north of Waikouaiti. If, however, he was returning from the 
South in July, his stay would probably not exceed seven months. Wake- 
field regards him as having been on a “trip,” and knows nothing about zeal 
and the converting of whole populations. 


VIII._BISHOP SELWYN’S JOURNAL (Précis). 


January 1, 1844- Otakii—Tamihana, the son of Te Rauparaha, came 
and offered to accompany me to the south, having formerly traversed, as a 
ey the whole of the country which his father overran a few years 
ack. 

Here we have further proof that Tamihana had been home some 
time, and that he had “traversed” only. However, he is glad of 
another “trip.” The Bishop confirmed Tamihana during this visit 
(12, p. 155). 


January 8, 1844, Akaroa: 9th, Waiwera: 10th, Taumutu, where the Natives 
having no missionary, were able to read and to recite the Lord’s Prayer, the 
Belief, and portions of the Catechism. [The Wesleyans taught only portions 
of the Church Catechism.] 


13th and 14th.—Te Waiate Ruati (near Temuka): No minister before me, 
but division between Church and Wesleyans. (T.’s foot mark.) 


January 20, 1844.—Moeraki: About 100 people, many of whom are 
Wesleyans. Examined candidates for baptism. Had been visited by French 
Bishop. No one else but Mr Watkin. Baptised four. 


January 23, 1844 (also 3 p. 157).—Waikouaiti: Stayed a day and a-half 
with Mr Watkin; interview most friendly. Catechised his people. Engaged 
Tuhawaiki and his “ Perseverance” for trip south and back to Akaroa. [See 
Watkin’s Journal and the Bishop’s letter below.] 


January 24.—Otakau: Visited inhabitants, distributing beoks and bap- 
tising children. One of the adult Natives whom I had baptised at Moeraki, was 
left here as a Native teacher to minister to the Church of England Natives. 
[In plain English, he was so satisfied with the second iron pot at Moeraki 
that he personally started another second at Otakau, where Watkin had 71 
members !] 

January 26.—Left Otakau; 28th evening reached Ruapuke. 


January 29-February 1.—Ruapuke: Congregation of 200. Class of 20 
able to read. No English missionary before me. Tamihana their first in- 
structor. Found much strife between Wesley and the Church. [Before his 
visit Watkin had baptised 13 Ruapukeans, and preached to four large boat- 
loads of them, October 19, 1840.] 

February 2.—Bluff and Stewart Island; 4th, Port Williams and Horseshoe 
Bay: People without a missionary knowing Lord’s Prayer, creed and portion 
of catechism. [The “portion of the catechism” at Taumutu and Horseshoe 


27 


Bay is indicative of the Wesleyans, who omit part of the Church catechism: the 
very parts the Bishop would feel for.] 

February 5.—The Neck, and held service; returned to Halfmoon Bay in 
the evening. 6th.—Murray’s River: Married a couple and baptised nine 
children. 7th.—Codfish Island, the Ultima Thule of Bishop’s journey: Found 
a young Native able to read, and appointed him teacher. 8th.—Raratonga, or 
Centre Island: Found a Native baptised by Hadfield, in charge at Wakaputaputa 
Kaik; 130 population; 15 can read. ‘“ No dissension in this village, a refresh- 
ing contrast to the rest of the Island.” 9th, 10th, 11th, at Jacob’s River ; sailed 
on the 12th for Akaroa, reaching it on the 14th. 


The Bishop spent 14 days in Foveaux Strait visiting at least ten 
places. It was merely a visit of inspection. He found one man 
baptised by Hadfield, and one Kaik where there was no dissent. 1 
have seen no definite record of his paying any visit to the Natives 
in his second Otago trip. Between Otakou and Akaroa he wrote a 
letter to Hadfield, which Tamihana was to take home with him. 
It may be read continuously in the italics. The rest is necessary 
comment. 


Schooner ‘* Perseverance,” Chief Tuhawaiki, 
At sea, off Otakou, February 13th, 1844 
My dear Mr. Hadfield, 


cs I begin to prepare a letter for my friend Tamihana to convey to 
you. . . . Throughout this Island controversy has proceeded truth, (If 
Hadfield’s teacher had a year’s start, how could that be so ?] and, as usual 
darkened true knowledge. The position of affarrs is very singular. I 
cannot learn that Mr. Watkin, or any of his teachers, visited the principal 
Native settlements, Te Wai-a-te Ruati (near Temuka), Ruapuke, and 
Raratonga before your teacher’s (Tawihana’s) arrival. It is ayreed by all 
that their Karakia began in consequence of our teacher’s visit. The 
Maoris are a polite people. They discover what you want to learn. 
Bishop Nevill has laboriously collected the evidence of Solomon and 
Matiu on Anglican priority. The dates of their baptism by Wesleyans 
will found elsewhere. Solomon walked miles to tell me he wasa 
Wesleyan, and Matiu was still a Wesleyan teacher in 1849. Of course, 
if “their Karakia” means THE Church, they were right. During three 
of the four years that Mr. Watlcin has been at Waikouaiti he had but one 
Testament. An incredible statement. The Wesleyan Mission in New 
Zealand was 22 years old, had over a dozen stations, and had cost 
£100,000. Could the newest station have been left so destitute ? 
Besides Watkin’s Journal and letters several times acknowledge Testa- 
ments. His weak health prevented him from visiting, so that I do not 
find that he has been to any places but Otakou and Moeraki, besides his 
own settlement of Waikcuaiti. This seems like an inference from 
Watkin’s health. Possibly, however, he was told by Shortland, who in 
walking up to Akaroa met the Bishop walking down They spent the 
evening together, and Shortland, referring to Selwyn’s proposed trip 


28 


South, made this entry in his journal (21, p. 221). “The Wesleyan 
Missionary at Waikouaiti had never extended his travels beyond Otakou 
and Moeraki.” No doubt he told the Bishop so. But just before, when 
at Moeraki, he said (p. 136) that that place had had none but raw 
Natives teachers, which was not correct. On November 23, 1843, he 
had gone to Purakanui with Natives of that place who had been to 
Waikouaiti to be baptised, and he ought to have known that Watkin had 
visited them. He had been at Raupuke for an hour or so, inspecting a 
wreck (21, p. 152), He had been invited from Otakou to stay with 
Watkin (p. 105), but had stayed with Dr. Crocombe instead—so Mr. 
J.R. Jones informs me. Hence he knew little either of Watkin or 
Ruapuke. All at once, a few months ago, his committee seem to have 
recollected that there was such a person in the world, and sent him down a 
flood of 500 Testaments, after having left him for three years with one 
only. The British and Foreign Bible Society presented 10,000 Testa- 
ments to the New Zealand Mission. The North received them in 
1842 (17). Watkin’s share, 360, not 500, reached him in two lots, 
April 28, and September 12,1843. During this delay Watkin may have 
been reduced to one Testament. With these his teachers have contrived to 
withdraw from us one-half, or more, of our congregations at Te Wai-a-te 
Ruati (Temuka) and Ruapuke. This is painfully “thin.” Wohlers, 
quoted elsewhere, found only a few copies of the old translation at 
Ruapuke, which could not have been part of the “ flood of 500.” But 
the fox thinks all creation steals poultry. Selwyn had himself “ dis- 
tributed books” at Otakou, where nearly all the adults were baptised 
by Watkin. At Raratonga (Centre Island) they are still wnited with us 
under Maunsell, a Native baptised by you. . . . Mr. Watkin complained of 
your obtruding your teachers upon his district. Which shows that the 
obtrusion was new, and that Watkin considered he was covering all the 
ground. But I cannot ascertain that any attempt was made by him, or any 
his friends, to make it their district until after our teachers had spent a 
whole year in teaching the people, and had been blessed with a considerable 
measure of success. I cannot recognise the fact of his residing at 
Warkouarti as entitling him to the spiritual of all the Southern Islands. 
But it might, at least, have entitled him tu the spiritual care of Otakou, 
where Selwyn himself introduced division. The High Church prelate’s 
attitude is more clearly expressed. by his sycophantish biographer (3, 
p- 156). “He could not recognise the presence of a Dissenting teacher 
(sic) in a district, as proof that that district was under Christian in- 
struction.” Just so. On that principle ‘the Church” must always be 
the first in the field,” for there is no one else. Our interview was most 
friendly, and I stayed a day and a half in his house, but I told him that 
I could make no transfer of Catechumens: that we must hold our own. 
The effort made to hold it was commensurate with what he had to hold. 
He paid another flying visit four or five years later, and that was the 
end. I surmise that Watkin has proposed that the new comers should 
consult propriety and peace by withdrawing and handing over their 
Catechumens. As that was refused, he himself debated (March, 


29 


1844) whether he should withdraw from the South if the Bishop placed 
his ‘‘ Amphibious Missionary ” there. . . . I have been much pleased with 
Tamihana. He is not very adroit in controversy (Ahem), and is sometimes 
a little overbearing, but he is a good hearted youth, and I shall be happy 
to see him at Waimate (college) whenever you think fit to send him. 


I think it would have been discreet in Selwyn’s biographer to have 
suppressed this letter. It was written after weeks of humilation to a 
proud spirit ; as his biographer remarks, dissent spoiled the pleasure of 
the trip. It is carping, ungenerous, and self-excusing to a degree. He 
protests too much. Let the reader turn to Watkin’s entries in his 
journal (January 27, and March 5, 1844) and compare them with the 
episcopal letter and say which of the men had the true Catholic and 
Christian spirit. 

I follow up Tamihana. On February 14, 1844 the Bishop and he 
reached Akaroa. There they found Shortland, Protector of Natives, 
who disparaged Native teachers (21, p. 136 and 32, p. 124). The 
Bishop, Shortland, and Tamihana ascended a hill that overlooked the 
scene of Te Rauparaha’s appalling treachery. Tamihana described the 
deed and the methods with a “ want of sympathy for the vanquished 
ill-becoming a Christian, and drew down upon himself a reproof” (21, 
p. 273). In 1844, after his trip with the Bishop, he and his wife went 
to St. John’s College. While there his father was arrested, and several 
chiefs visited him (Tamihana) to persuade him to go home overland 
and rouse the tribes on his way to attack the Europeans and liberate 
his futher. This he refused to do, but went home by sea (12, p. 155). 
Tamihana related this and his first visit to the North in quest of a 
Missionary to the English public in 1852, but he said nothing of his 
mission trip to Ruapuke. In October 1849, Tamihana met Mr. 
Hadfield on the way while he (Hadfield) was returning to Otaki from 
Wellington. Te Rauparaha was then alive—about 80 (10, p. 356), 
but he died before the year was out. Tamihana was then head chief. 


About 1850 a visitor at Otaki was entertained by Mrs. Tamihana, 
as her lord was in Wellington at the Governor’s ball (15, p. 9). The 
same authority tells us that Tamihana arrived in England, probably in 
the beginning of 1852, “in the Wesleyan Missionary Society’s brig, the 
John Wesley ” (15, p. 9). While at home he made sundry speeches, 
and published accounts of his life (12, p. 155-6). In 1854 an 
anonymous author tells (24, p. 148) of a journey with Tamihana from 
Wellington to Otaki. They call at one of Tamihana’s pas which is 
smitten with influenza, but there was something still more depressing. 


A Creek divided the members of the Church of England from the Wesleyans 
in the pa. I had heard that religious differences prevailed to some serious extent, 
and had read of a Native chief saying ‘“ Heathenism with love is better than 
Christanity without it,” but I did not ee it possible that these differences 
should lead to such defined separation. Disciples of our Master, sanctified by one 
Spirit, and partakers of the same inheritance, there are sarely bonds of union 
enough to enable them to dwell together in peace. 


30 


These reflections must have been edifying to Tamihana, and have 
recalled his second iron pot at Moeraki. Tamihana is described as full 
of life, and shouting to his people at Otaki to receive the visitor with a 
tangi (p. 154). He shows with pride a flour mill that he is building, 
and makes a speech on England to his guest, who is about to return 
thither (p. 236). The last trace I have met with him is in 1857, when 
he petitioned Parliament about land. All his visitors agree that he is 
very hospitable and genial, and very regular at morning prayers. 
Otherwise he has relapsed into a Maori chief, and there is no trace of 
missionary zeal after his southern trip in 1843. Mr. Joosten (2 e) says 
Tamihana paid a second visit to Ruapuke, and stayed six months, 
during two of which he went mutton-birding (March to May). I find 
no trace of this visit. 


CONCLUSION. 


I have not relied on tradition, or on the accommodating statements 
of polite Natives, or on denominational literature. These I leave to 
those who need them. I have sought out contemporary records, records 
by unbiassed people, and written with no view to assisting any cause. 


Whether Watkin visited Ruapuke or not I leave an open question. 
Mr. Joosten says he was there before Selwyn. Mr. Wohlers implied 
it, as does Dr. Munro. Selwyn and Shortland deny it, and the journal 
is silent, except about a visit to the South in which he could not land 
on the Island. But he preached to half the population as early as 
October 1840, and often afterwards. ‘The people were constantly 
coming and going. Tuhawaiki probably visited Waikouaiti a dozen 
times a year. Subsequently Watkin had teachers, and practically all 
the principal chiefs were Wesleyans. Watkin’s bodily presence may 
have been weak, but his influence was strong. To bring this influence 
into comparision with that of Mr. Hadfield in the midst of a hostile 
tribe in the North Island is absurd. I agree with Mr. Jootsen that 
Mr. Wohlers was the real Apostle of the South. After 1846 the field 
was left tohim. A few years of priority can not eclipse his forty 
years of devotion. Much less can a late comer and an early goer 
deprive the Wesleyans of the honour of either priority or long service. 
Priority alone is nothing. The Priest was before the Samaritan. The 
question is who did the work? Who stood by for years and years? 
Certainly not the Anglicans, 


I claim to have proved that the Wesleyans devoted themselves 
unseliishly to their work, keeping the peace, keeping their sphere, and 
letting the Natives keep their land; that strife and intrusion began 
with intolerant High Churchism; that it takes an expert Missionary 
two or three years to make real converts, though dissention can be sown 
in an hour: that by visits, by being visited, and by Native agency 
Wesleyan influence was quietly moving from Cloudy Bay, from the 


31 


West Coast, from Port Levy, and from Waikouaiti; that the first note 
of strife was heard in 1843, but was clanging everywhere in January 
1844: that Tamihama was dispatched in 1843, and was home long 
before the end of the year; that Bishop Selwyn’s teacher at Otakou 
neither “introduced religion there ” nor was the “ first resident teacher,” 
but was a flagrant intrusion, and that while the Government reports of 
the sixties give credit to the Wesleyans and Germans, they know 
absolutely nothing of an effective Anglican Mission. 


APPENDIX. 
EPITOME OF BAPTISMAL REGISTER. 


To indicate religious training and education the evidence of the Marriage 
Register in Watkin’s time is added in brackets M. means ‘‘ married.” W. 
means “can write,” and the figures show the number of register. Those not 
otherwise located are of Waikouaiti. 


June 7, 1840.—Jane Betsey Palmer. October, 11.—Elizabeth Grace Glover. 
January 24, 1841.—Hoani Tokonui (buried same day). January 27 —Meri Kauri 
(married same day toSpencex of Bluff). February 9 —Caroline Beal. April 12.— 
Martha A. Fuller. May 9.—Annie M. Stanton. May 23.—Thomas J. Prior. 
June 20,—Juliana Cary. July 18.—Thomas Kennard. October 3.—Hester H. 
Pascoe. January 9, 1842.—Joseph H. Watkin (son of Rev J.). Hobepa (Joseph) 
Koreti, Port Levy, teacher (see Journal). February 6.—Emma |J. Glover ; 
Mary Coleman. December 4.—Meri Pikaurera. December 24.—Hami Watekine 
(James Watkin) Mahaka, teacher, first local confessor (M. W. 7). 


1843. 


January 15.—Paura Tau (W. 19); Iraiha Tukiwaka (teacher); Timoti 
Taikou; Haimona Pita Mutu (M. W. 2). January 22.—George Whitfield 
Papakawha, Mohi Puhorokai (W. 39), Aperahama Karu,  Rawiri (David 
Te Maire (M. W. 3). February 13.—Hamiora Tepae, Aroua Takatanui. May 
13.—Rawiri Taekawa. May 14.—Elizabeth J. Prior. June 18—(31 to 52). 
Solomon Pohio (W. 5), great chief and teacher, Ruapuke. Iwelve of Waikouaiti. 
Of Otakau: Hoani Weteri Kopako, chief, priest and teacher (M. W. 2 
and 37) Tiare Weteri Kahu, chief (M. W. 4), Riria Weteri Wharekauri, 
Heremaia Tahana Whana, Roko Tahana, Tamati Hapimana Tuki, Hoani 
Iri Iri Poke, Kireona Mera Pi, Pirimona Roka Whana, Of Pura- 
kanui: Ehekeri Tia and Kipa Tana Paukaha. Of Moeraki: Riwai Watihona 
Tepori. Of Koukurarata: Hori Patara The remainder of 1843 shows 39 at 
Waikouaiti ; 21 at Purakanui, including Noa Paka, chief (M. W. 40), Honatoni 
Tekehu and Hokapeta Te Atarau; 28 at Moeraki, including Matiaha (Matiu) 
Tiramorehu (W. 105), chief and teacher ; Rawiri Waiteri (Whiteley) Te Mamaru, 
chief ; 63 at Otakou and neighbourhood, including Merekihereka Hape, chief 
(M. W. 54), Horopapera Kotiho, Panapa Paroro, Rawiri Te Rauparaha, Reihana 
Tuarea, Hakaraia Motueka, Wiremu Nera Potiki (M. 28), and Rawiri Kingi 
Kurakura. 12 at Ruapuke, including Paora Rura, Wiremu Kingi Rehu, Apata 
Etewata Te Ururaki and Akaripa Pohau. Stewart Island (Rakiura) sent one, 
Anaru Tatairaki. This brings the total to 217. 


32 


1844. 


On June 25 the Rev. Charles Creed began his work. The baptisms for the 
year are therefore divided, which I indicate by the initials. Waikouaiti, W. 14, 
C. 12; Otakau, W.1, C.1; Moeraki, W. 11. C. 1; Purakanui, W. 2; Ruapuke, 
W. 6, C. 38; Bluff, W. 5; Kairakau (Stewart Island), W. 8; Port Levy, W. 9; 
Tewaiteruate, C. 1; Raratonga, C. 1; Tewakaputaputa, C. 7. Total for the 
year 121. Grand total, 334. 


1845. 


Waikouaiti, 13; Otakou, 15; Moeraki, 2; Purakanui, 6; Ruapuke, 6; Port 
Levy, 34; Tewaiteruati (mear Temuka), 21; Maranuku, 3; Jacob’s River, 3, 
including Solomon Pukuheti Patu ; Akaroa, 3; Pautini (West Coast), 1. Total 
for year, 109. Grand total, 443. 


Taieri first appears in 1847. In 1851 the chief Hakaraia Te Raki is baptised, 
and in 1855 12 adults by Rev. W. Kirk. 


Molyneux appears in 1847 with four, and in 1856 with 13 baptisms. 
Waitaki has 20 baptisms in 1854. 


Waikouaiti: The total number of baptisms by the Wesleyan Mission at this 
place and Matainaka is about 239. The total number in the Register is 896. 
The following are the totals at the end of each year. 1840, 2; 1841, 11 ; 1842, 
18; 1843, 217; 1844, 334; 1845, 443; 1846, 475; 1847, 515; 1848, 547; 1849, 
577 ; 1850, 629; 1851, 669; 3852, 688; 1853, vacant; 1854, 764; 1855, 802 ; 
1856, 836 ; 1857, 866; 1858, 887 ; April 1859, 896. 


PRINTED AT THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES OFFICE, HIGH STREET, DUNEDIN. 


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Div.S. 266.5931 F165E 


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_Early History of Missions in 
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